Why do people hate hungary

The acting police officer must support the victim by communicating with them in a calm and objective manner. It is forbidden to blame the victim, to display a police officer's personal judgment, use words and phrases related to the victim's behaviour, culture or community, or use stereotypical or prejudiced terms.

In criminal proceedings, the police are required to pay particular attention to the specific needs of the victim and inform them of the progress of the investigation and of contacts with the investigating authority.

At each police station, mentors should be appointed to facilitate the detection of hate crimes, and the county capital police station should appoint at least one hate crime focal point whose identity and contact details shall be communicated to the local police authorities. We organise case study sessions to look at closed investigations: they call our attention to their concerns, how — from the point of view of the victim — we could have been more successful.

This is all very constructive, with the aim to help. While not a member of the WGAHC, the Action and Protection Foundation have also played an active role in raising awareness about antisemitic crime in Hungary and have worked with the National University for Public Service on developing its hate crime curriculum. They are the only CSO in Hungary actively working on the issue of hate crimes that receives significant funding from the government. Originally, the police and WGAHC decided to meet on a 6-monthly basis between the police in response to NGOs criticism of how specific cases were being handled.

One case per six months was to be chosen and discussed directly with the police officers involved. The forum shifted its focus onto other issues, including developing a list of bias indicators.

The WGAHC took the lead and drafted a list of indicators based on a careful consideration of various international examples. It was agreed to make a shorter, two page version of the list [43] and a four page version [44] with a third column providing examples to the indicators. The police agreed to use the materials in trainings and upload it to the intranet of the police.

This was done in March In the process of developing the bias indicator lists, the issue of how to collect sensitive data as part of investigations arose. Can the police record their own assessment whether the victim is likely to be perceived as belonging to a certain social group based on widespread stereotypes , etc. As a result, the WGAHC took the lead in preparing a manual harmonizing investigative requirements with data protection considerations, and a list of suggested interview questions to use for such sensitive matters.

The list of indictors and the most important provisions of the manual have been incorporated into the protocol issued by the National Chief of Police.

The application allows for direct reporting of hate crimes by victims and others to the police. The two bodies are in discussions about a Memorandum of Understanding on its operation.

These three examples illustrate several important features that are common in efforts to work across public authority-CSO divides for the benefit of victims and communities affected by hate crime. First, ideas for cooperation are often sparked and sustained by CSOs.

This can take a lot of energy, patience and maturity as public authorities can be slow to react and move forward on agreed actions. At the same time, cooperation must a two-way street by definition and in Hungary it has engendered effective reactions from public authorities in these examples.

Indeed there are recent signs that police commitment to cooperation is decreasing. It is an open question how and whether cooperation across police and CSOs might continue in the future.

The WGAHC faces ongoing strategic questions in navigating its relationship with public authorities while aiming to achieve measurable improvements in hate crime recording and victim support in a sensitive political environment. Another strategic question facing the WGAHC along with other specialist networks on hate crime monitoring is whether its membership should be increased beyond those NGOs that are expert on hate crime recording and data collection and on investigation and prosecution procedure.

While this approach would be more inclusive of new and different voices, any lack of experience in the area risks undermining the authority and focus of the group and thus its relationship with the authorities.

In turn, the broader question of NGO advocacy strategy was examined by one interviewee, who raised questions about whether it is possible to adopt both a supportive and challenging or even combative approach or whether they are two different functions, best carried out by different NGOs. In exceptional cases they will find some help - if the mayor likes it. If not, you get nothing. There is also no debt management service, when you already know that many people cannot pay back their loans.

If what is now being planned is implemented, with the nationalisation of local government rented housing and higher rents, the housing situation, especially for the poor, will become particularly difficult.

An increase in the number of people losing their homes is to be expected. Meals are part of the social norms, and whether they eat with a spoon from an aluminium plate or with a knife and fork from porcelain is heaven and earth.

She reported on how people living in poverty can find a way out of poverty thanks to various local programmes and government measures.

One is that she was taken to a place where everything is really fine. The other is more common in an authoritarian government: she does not talk about reality. Poverty as a word has been taboo before i. Hungarian families are calling for an increase in the family allowance, which has remained unchanged for fourteen years, while the Fidesz government says they receive so much other help and benefits that it is no longer necessary.

The families are right. Since the amount has not changed, prices have gone up at least one and a half times, so it is not holding up in real terms. When the family allowance started, it was 30 to 40 percent of the average wage for two children; today it is five percent of the average gross wage. So it has virtually zero value.

But everything else that families receive such as tax credits or the social security system does not help the poor, it does not go to them. The family allowance was originally introduced by the French. One of its aims was to encourage couples to start a family, or at least not to discourage them from having children.

It had a demographic function, but also a welfare function. Today's family policy measures declared aim, namely to encourage families to have children, does not fulfil this function. Let us look at housing. It is probably typical of all Scandinavian countries that when a baby is born, someone from the municipality knocks on the door and says, hello, dear family, we see that there are five of you living in two rooms, please allow us to offer you a bigger flat.

The fact that a larger family needs a larger apartment and that some kind of assistance is needed for this is recognised by many countries. In Hungary, this is solved with a loan. But if you force families to take it out because they have no other option, and you couple a secure repayment obligation with an uncertain livelihood, it can be a dead end.

Hungary is one of the few countries where there is no housing minimum, and the loss of a better home for those with children is not replaced by a worse one. All what was possible that the state should provide cover in the event of danger to life. Since then, an even stricter law has been in force. For example, homeless people are not allowed to sleep in public places, except in a few places.

And the government do not do shelters. If there is no shelter, and you are not allowed to sleep in public places, does the homeless person have to learn to fly? And abroad, you see blankets being put out in public spaces because they know there is homelessness, but not enough shelter.

Here, in Hungary even the blankets we have are taken away. It is evil, it is inhuman. This is the arrogance of those in power towards those who have failed i. That is why many people are terribly prejudiced against the poor, against gypsies, against minorities. Those in power think the poor do not want to work, and they spend money badly. And work is undertaken if it is not offensive, if it is decent and if it pays. If there is no work, then money is needed, and in many cases not welfare, but the so-called social minimum would be a must.

In recent months, she has been researching this practice of starving refugees in transit zones, and has recently published her findings. They have no access to regular education and are only entitled to medical care in urgent cases. However, her allegations were thrown out of court as being "unfounded. Authorities said that there was no such practice as "starvation," highlighting that those who felt affected by any such alleged practice were free to voluntarily leave the transit zone at any time.

Emergency powers. Many Hungarians felt a sense of unease about the thousands of refugees who were crossing the Hungarian border each day mainly on their way to Austria, Germany and other EU nations. By September , the country further sealed off that border hermetically, and has since deployed thousands of border guards to the area.

At the same time, the Hungarian parliament adopted a set of special laws relating to migration after announcing a "state of emergency. The provisions of the "migration emergency" give law enforcement officials and the military wide-reaching operational powers across the country. For example, civil rights such as freedom of movement or freedom of assembly can unduly be withdrawn, and homes can be searched without a legal warrant.

Special refugee courts. As part of the emergency measures, the government also introduced a special court to deal with cases involving refugees and migrants: judges carry out expedited proceedings at the court in the southern city of Szeged, focusing on issues like migrants who illegally crossed the border or committed other offenses, including damaging the border fence.

Proceedings usually last only one or two hours and contravene various constitutional and other legal standards. For example, any indictments and verdicts delivered by the court do not need to be translated in writing into the mother tongue of the defendants.

It is not even required to identify the defendants sufficiently. The court also treats minors aged 14 and over as adults.